Another Republican President, Another Recession.

hanimmal

Well-Known Member

194,000 (before revisions which were all upward during Biden's presidency) in September and 531,000 in October, put's Biden at about 5.2 million jobs since he took over the office of the presidency 9 months ago.

Shit that puts him on pace to have about 27,700,000 in 4 years, which would be more than Clinton had in 8, which is bigger than anyone else since Truman at least. Things likely will slow down, but still.

Pretty impressive, wonder if the right wing will be able to con their cult into thinking that it would be a smart move to put the Republicans in charge again to cause another recession like they have been doing for over 100 years.
 

mooray

Well-Known Member
194,000 (before revisions which were all upward during Biden's presidency) in September and 531,000 in October, put's Biden at about 5.2 million jobs since he took over the office of the presidency 9 months ago.

Shit that puts him on pace to have about 27,700,000 in 4 years, which would be more than Clinton had in 8, which is bigger than anyone else since Truman at least. Things likely will slow down, but still.

Pretty impressive, wonder if the right wing will be able to con their cult into thinking that it would be a smart move to put the Republicans in charge again to cause another recession like they have been doing for over 100 years.
Hate to say it, but the transfer or wealth happens in waves with each economic "cycle" and they crush it when they break things and crush it again when Dems fix things. Markets don't necessarily need to go up to make money, they just needs to move, and it's always easier to make it go down than up. They're really good at flushing our cash down the drain and plumbing it into their hands.
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
Hate to say it, but the transfer or wealth happens in waves with each economic "cycle" and they crush it when they break things and crush it again when Dems fix things. Markets don't necessarily need to go up to make money, they just needs to move, and it's always easier to make it go down than up. They're really good at flushing our cash down the drain and plumbing it into their hands.
Luckily though we are starting to have enough data from all the Republican recessions in the last 60 years to understand their economic shenanigans.

The big challenge is to start figuring out what they are going to try to use to keep their ability to tank the economy next. The 90's saw them turning up the propaganda campaign and solidifying their hold on hate radio and tv against the Democratic party. The 2000's added to it the internet attack on our society and fanatical increase in religion and racism politicization. Then after Obama it was using this to ramp up their astroturf Tea Party state election so that they could gerrymander themselves into power for the next decade. Which ultimately got hijacked by Trump and the Russian military to sneak him into office and radicalization of our citizens being isolated and sucked into online information bubbles.

And now we look to be in another decade of gerrymandering to go along with the court stuffing.

What is the next Republican con? Where do they go from here. I hope that they die off and have to rebuild as a non-troll party, but it is not looking good if there is no real change happening in the online propaganda war that is being waged on us.
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2021/10/14/inflation-prices-supply-chain/
Screen Shot 2021-11-10 at 3.46.01 PM.png
The bumpy economic recovery has had policymakers, economists and Americans at large grappling with greater price hikes for groceries, gas, cars, rent and just about everything else we need.

For months, officials at the Federal Reserve and White House have argued that pandemic-era inflation won’t become a permanent feature of the economy, and that prices will simmer back down as the economy has time to heal. The hope was that inflation would have started cooling down by now.

But persistent supply chain backlogs and, most recently, the delta variant of the coronavirus, have kept prices elevated. There is no clear answer for when that will change, leaving Americans to feel the strain in their pocketbooks in the meantime. This is a breakdown of how we got here.

Screen Shot 2021-11-10 at 3.45.05 PM.png

Policymakers were encouraged when August prices eased slightly, breaking an eight-month streak of rising or steady inflation. But September reversed course, coming in at 5.4 percent compared to the year before, in large part due to the rapidly spreading delta variant stifling the recovery. Now October showed even shaper inflation, with prices rising 6.2 percent compared to the year before.

Economists caution against drawing too much from one month of data, good or bad. But the overall picture increasingly suggests that inflation is sticking around longer than economic policymakers at the Fed and White House anticipated just a few months ago.

Screen Shot 2021-11-10 at 3.45.18 PM.png

Policymakers often argue that price increases are limited to industries like hotels, airlines and cars. But federal data on Wednesday showed “broad-based” higher prices, propelled by not just energy and used cars, but by shelter, food and new vehicles. Prices for medical care, for household furnishing and operations, and for recreation all increased in October.

The concerns over soaring home prices and rising rents have economists worried about whether cost increases will last even after the pandemic has mostly passed. The still hot housing market has made it that much more difficult for first-time buyers, or those without cash or solid credit, to buy a home. Meanwhile, rising rents in major metropolitan areas are pushing out more people who are now wondering if they can afford to stay.

Screen Shot 2021-11-10 at 3.45.28 PM.png

The market relies heavily on trade-ins and auto parts, which have been in low supply amid a global microchip shortage.
That pinch has made it more expensive for dealers to get any of their models, much less repair them. All of those problems are also hurting the supply of used cars, which depend on trade ins as well as rental car company inventories.

Meanwhile, the pandemic triggered a massive rental car shortage after a slew of large companies sold off hundreds of thousands of models that sat idle at the start of the pandemic as Americans stopped traveling. Back in May of this year, more than one of every three rental cars that had been in service before the pandemic was no longer available.

However, as more people got vaccinated and started itching for spring and summer trips, customer demand boomed. Companies could not get their hands on cars fast enough, driving up prices while people scrambled for reservations and companies rushed to restock lots.

New cars are now also seeing rising prices thanks to the ongoing microchip shortage. Pandemic-related shutdowns have pinched factories around the world. For instance, auto production in North America was recently slowed by shutdowns in countries like Malaysia and Vietnam.

Screen Shot 2021-11-10 at 3.45.40 PM.png

Families across the nation are also facing higher prices at the grocery store, which have people stretching their wallets for dairy, fruits and vegetables, baked goods and meats. Prices for meat, poultry, fish and eggs have surged in particular above other grocery categories. The White House has pointed to broad consolidation in the meat industry, saying that large companies bear some of the responsibility for pushing prices higher.

Meat industry groups disagree, arguing that the same supply-side issues rampant in the rest of the economy apply to proteins because it costs more to transport and package materials, while labor shortages have held back meat production.
I think this chart is going to be the one that is most useful in seeing how inflation is going to go.

Screen Shot 2021-11-10 at 3.45.05 PM.png

The decrease in October from last year's Republican led recession is showing up this month in a bigger increase. November should also see a bit larger inflation rate, and then it should start to decline before it starts to drastically decrease in May 2022 and start to move through the larger inflation rates.
 

Fogdog

Well-Known Member
so you guys are a lot smarter than me about the US economy:

i need some talking points about inflation. what biden policies are raising it? if any?

i felt like prices on many items went way up when trump declared a tariff war on china.
Trick question.

During the first year of any president, inflation, jobs growth, GDP, and most of the budget are mostly due to actions taken during the previous administration. 6% (annualized) inflation this month? Thank you Trump.
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
so you guys are a lot smarter than me about the US economy:

i need some talking points about inflation. what biden policies are raising it? if any?

i felt like prices on many items went way up when trump declared a tariff war on china.
Well if Biden was to have done the Republican playbook that was championed by Reagan, where Volker in the Federal reserve jacked up interest rates halting any new economic activity in new business investment and home building (Homes that after 30 years were being sold by the white people who got those cheap as shit federal loans), which is also when all those manufacturing jobs started moving overseas.

Hammered the workers ability to use the inflation to increase their wages through union busting. Ending the federal mental health system costing how many people their jobs, ect. All of which drastically increased the unemployment rates (especially in minority areas) that meant there was less pressure on supply due to people not having any money.

This halt in economic activity stopped the inflation cold.

I am pretty happy Biden did not go down this route, and instead stabilized the economy and is not freaking out trying to kill inflation at the expense of all of us. It might mean that the wealthiest in our nation won't be able to vacuum up all those distressed properties, and (gasp) actually have to increase wages.
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
https://www.nytimes.com/2021/11/11/opinion/reagan-social-welfare.htmlScreen Shot 2021-11-11 at 9.05.45 AM.png
With Build Back Better, President Biden has attempted to revive a New Deal ethic that entwines human and physical infrastructure. No one likes taxes, but building a nation where Americans know that their families are safe and cared for is popular across party lines. It shouldn’t have been a hard sell.

But here we are. The reconciliation package has shrunk to about $2 trillion. And something else is gone: a chance to change the American narrative of what good government does. The legislation was once billed as a plan for sweeping once-in-a-generation social change, but aspects of it that warranted that hyperbole, like dental and vision coverage for Medicare recipients and free community college, have disappeared. Paid family and medical leave have been sharply reduced.

Other industrialized nations provide a far more robust safety net than the one we have and even the one Mr. Biden proposed. Yet Republicans and at least one Democrat insist that such social welfare spending endangers the nation’s fiscal and moral health.

How did we get to a point that doing less for Americans is a virtue, and comprehensive social welfare a privilege?

It goes back to Jan. 20, 1981. On that cold, windy day, Ronald Reagan, who had scoffed at mythical female welfare cheats on the campaign trail, a trope he had revisited since his 1966 campaign for governor of California, took the oath of office. The defeated Democratic President Jimmy Carter, also on the dais, shared some of Mr. Reagan’s distaste for social spending. During his presidency, Mr. Carter charged Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare Joseph Califano Jr. with creating “pro-work and pro-family” rules for recipients (though they never went through).

Mr. Reagan went further. In his inaugural speech, he linked government itself to national decline. The economic crisis of the 1970s, he declared, was “proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.” Social programs were wasteful. Worse, they lured families into dependence.

In other words: The government that helps families most helps them least. It was an idea that became an American ethic, with staying power through Republican and Democratic administrations alike. Attacks on social programs portrayed poverty as a moral failure and exploited racist stereotypes to mischaracterize social welfare as a magnet for criminal, failed and indolent Americans. The belief that successful families helped themselves remained an article of faith in both parties until the socialist Senator Bernie Sanders ran for president.

Under Mr. Reagan, conservatives were finally able to begin dismantling the New Deal state and Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society. In 1981 and 1982, Mr. Reagan made more than $22 billion in cuts to social welfare programs, including federal student loans and the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act, a modest program that paid businesses to train and hire economically disadvantaged people.

The federal deficit grew anyway, as Mr. Reagan cut taxes and accelerated military spending. Inheriting a national debt of about $995 billion, he nearly tripled it. But conservative activists still cheered.

In fact, Mr. Reagan’s welfare reforms just made the poor poorer. When a three-year recession hit in 1980, six million more Americans fell into poverty. By 1989, employment recovered, but a weak social safety net meant that workers were an illness or an accident away from hardship.

Democrats were complicit. In 1992, although he would try (but fail) to pass national health care, Bill Clinton promised to “end welfare as we know it.” Looking to a second term, he later blasted big government. The bipartisan Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 put mothers to work at low-wage jobs without health care benefits, linked food aid to work, established a five-year lifetime limit on benefits paid by federal money and funded sexual abstinence programs, not reproductive health. By 1999, single mothers on “workfare” had sunk deeper into poverty.

Progressive Democrats did only marginally better. In 2012, Republicans accused President Barack Obama of unwindingdecades of welfare-to-work provisions, with a new system of waivers, work requirements and block grants that states had to follow. And while his Affordable Care Act passed narrowly, under pressure from both parties, he abandoned universal health care.

Today the poverty rate hovers around 11 percent, about where it was in 1973, and economic insecurity now envelops the working poor and middle class. Some economists now argue that the misery caused by decades of failure to support working families paved the way for Donald Trump’s presidency.

That may be true. Left to fend for themselves in poorly regulated markets, by default, working Americans do care for themselves — often on credit. Medical debt was recently pegged at $140 billionand student loans at over $1.7 trillion. Thirteen million workershave more than one job.

Americans work hard, but in the United States it costs money even to go to work. Child care, if parents can find it, can cost more than a mortgage payment. Elder care? Even more. Despite the Affordable Care Act, 28 million Americans are left uninsured.

Screen Shot 2021-11-11 at 9.12.55 AM.png
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
https://www.nytimes.com/2021/11/11/opinion/inflation-history.htmlScreen Shot 2021-11-12 at 10.06.07 AM.png
Back in July the White House’s Council of Economic Advisers posted a thoughtful article to its blog titled, “Historical Parallels to Today’s Inflationary Episode.” The article looked at six surges in inflation since World War II and argued persuasively that current events don’t look anything like the 1970s. Instead, the closest parallel to 2021’s inflation is the first of these surges, the price spike from 1946 to 1948.

Wednesday’s consumer price report was ugly; inflation is running considerably hotter than many people, myself included, expected. But nothing about it contradicted C.E.A.’s analysis — on the contrary, the similarity to early postwar inflation looks stronger than ever. What we’re experiencing now is a lot more like 1947 than like 1979.

And here’s what you need to know about that 1946-48 inflation spike: It was a one-time event, not the start of a protracted wage-price spiral. And the biggest mistake policymakers made in response to that inflation surge was failing to appreciate its transitory nature: They were still fighting inflation even as inflation was ceasing to be a problem, and in so doing helped bring on the recession of 1948-49.

About Wednesday’s price report: It looked very much like the classic story of inflation resulting from an overheated economy, in which too much money is chasing too few goods. Earlier this year the rise in prices had a narrow base, being driven largely by food, energy, used cars and services like air travel that were rebounding from the pandemic.
That’s less true now: It looks as if demand is outstripping supply across much of the economy.

One caveat to this story is that overall demand in the United States actually doesn’t look all that high; real gross domestic product, which is equal to real spending on U.S.-produced goods and services, is still about 2 percent below what we would have expected the economy’s capacity to be if the pandemic hadn’t happened. But demand has been skewed, with consumers buying fewer services but more goods than before, putting a strain on ports, trucking, warehouses and more. These supply-chain issues have been exacerbated by the global shortage of semiconductor chips, together with the Great Resignation — the reluctance of many workers to return to their old jobs. So we’re having an inflation spurt.

On the plus side, jobs have rarely been this plentiful for those who want them. And contrary to the cliché, current inflation isn’t falling most heavily on the poor: Wage increases have been especially rapid for the lowest-paid workers.

So what can 1946-48 teach us about inflation in 2021? Then as now there was a surge in consumer spending, as families rushed to buy the goods that had been unavailable in wartime. Then as now it took time for the economy to adjust to a big shift in demand — in the 1940s, the shift from military to civilian needs. Then as now the result was inflation, which in 1947 topped out at almost 20 percent. Nor was this inflation restricted to food and energy; wage growth in manufacturing, which was much more representative of the economy as a whole in 1947 than it is now, peaked at 22 percent.

But the inflation didn’t last. It didn’t end immediately: Prices kept rising rapidly for well over a year. Over the course of 1948, however, inflation plunged, and by 1949 it had turned into brief deflation.

What, then, does history teach us about the current inflation spike? One lesson is that brief episodes of overheating don’t necessarily lead to 1970s-type stagflation — 1946-48 didn’t cause long-term inflation, and neither did the other episodes that most resemble where we are now, World War I and the Korean War. And we really should have some patience: Given what happened in the 1940s, pronouncements that inflation can’t be transitory because it has persisted for a number of months are just silly.

Oh, and for what it’s worth, the bond market is in effect predicting a temporary bump in inflation, not a permanent rise. Yields on inflation-protected bonds maturing over the next couple of years are strongly negative, implying that investors expect rapid price rises in the near term. But longer-term market expectations of inflation have remained stable.

Another lesson, which is extremely relevant right now (hello, Senator Manchin), is that an inflation spurt is no reason to cancel long-term investment plans. The inflation surge of the 1940s was followed by an epic period of public investment in America’s future, which included the construction of the Interstate Highway System. That investment didn’t reignite inflation — if anything, by improving America’s logistics, it probably helped keep inflation down. The same can be said of the Biden administration’s spending proposals, which would do little to boost short-term demand and would help long-term supply.

So yes, that was an ugly inflation report, and we hope that future reports will look better. But people making knee-jerk comparisons with the 1970s and screaming about stagflation are looking at the wrong history. When you look at the right history, it tells you not to panic.
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
This video is symbolic. The Beaver is the Republican party, the Democrats are the guy clearing the mess, and the flow of water is the economy.
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
https://apnews.com/article/pete-buttigieg-infrasctructure-transportation-cd69c9f2942df561ae0dc1a69ed0c8b7Screen Shot 2021-11-14 at 9.46.59 AM.png
WASHINGTON (AP) — Pete Buttigieg, the transportation secretary who holds the purse strings to much of President Joe Biden’s $1 trillion infrastructure package, was holding forth with reporters on its impact — the promise of more electric cars, intercity train routes, bigger airports — when a pointed question came.

How would he go about building racial equity into infrastructure?

The 39-year-old former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, and 2020 Democratic presidential candidate laid out his argument that highway design can reflect racism, noting that at least $1 billion in the bill will help reconnect cities and neighborhoods that had been racially segregated or divided by road projects.

“I’m still surprised that some people were surprised when I pointed to the fact that if a highway was built for the purpose of dividing a white and a Black neighborhood ... that obviously reflects racism,” he said.

Racial equity is an issue where Democratic priorities and Buttigieg’s future align. One of his greatest shortcomings as a White House candidate was his inability to win over Black voters. How he navigates that heading into the 2022 midterms will probably shape the fortunes of Biden’s agenda and the Democratic Party, if not his own prospects.

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Republicans seeking to exploit the issue pounced on Buttigieg’s words.

“I heard some stuff, some weird stuff from the secretary of transportation trying to make this about social issues,” said Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis. “To me, a road’s a road.” Texas Sen. Ted Cruz tweeted sarcastically: “The roads are racist. We must get rid of roads.”

But Buttigieg didn’t engage and was off to his next stop, the climate summit in Scotland. There he stood for almost a dozen interviews as he promoted provisions of Biden’s bill that would build a network of electric vehicle charging stations. He also engaged with young climate activists and took photos with former President Barack Obama.

On racism in roadways, he said simply: “I don’t know who it hurts to acknowledge that harm was done and to propose doing something to fix it.”

His department later announced it would grant extra discretionary aid to help as many as 20 U.S. communities remove portions of interstates, redesign rural main streets and repurpose former rail lines. That could help places from Syracuse, New York, where many residents back a plan to tear down portions and build a walkable grid, to racially divided areas in New Orleans and St. Paul, Minnesota.

As Biden prepares to sign the infrastructure bill on Monday, eyes are turning to the man still best known as “Mayor Pete,” a newcomer whose promise of “generational change” and real-world sensibility of fixing potholes launched him to the top of the early Democratic primary contests during the 2020 campaign.

Quickly endorsing Biden after abandoning the race, Buttigieg now stands to become one of the more powerful brokers in Washington, handling the largest infusion of cash into the transportation sector since the 1950s creation of the interstate highway system.

“Armed with that much money and significant latitude in how to spend it, Buttigieg is poised to be the most influential secretary of transportation ever,” said Jeff Davis, a senior fellow at the Eno Center for Transportation. The department was founded in 1967.

In all, about $120 billion of the $550 billion in new transportation spending in the bill would come in the form of competitive grants that give Buttigieg discretion in how the money is used.

A separate social spending bill pending in the House would pour billions more dollars into the Transportation Department, which already expects to see its annual budget surge by over 50% to $140 billion.

“It’s a whole lot of money,” says Ray LaHood, a former Republican congressman from Illinois and transportation secretary under Obama, who in comparison presided over the release of $48 billion in transportation money in the 2009 Recovery Act. Since then, LaHood said, major federal investments in transportation have been stagnant, creating pent-up demand for road, bridge and Amtrak projects that can quickly launch.

It’s both a boon and challenge to Buttigieg, who revealed in August that he was going to become a dad with husband Chasten. He took several weeks of paternity leave to care for the twins, returning in October as Republicans criticized him for leaving his post. More recently, he juggled time keeping watch over his infant son, who was ill for three weeks and hospitalized for a respiratory illness, while he worked to address national supply chain problems.

“When somebody welcomes a new child into their family, and goes on leave to take care of that child that’s not a vacation, it’s work,” he said last month. “I’m not going to apologize.”

Starting this week, Buttigieg will join other Cabinet members to pitch the plan around the country.

“Look, a lot of this sells itself because communities never needed to be persuaded that their bridge needed to be fixed or that their airport needed an upgrade or that their ports needed investment,” Buttigieg said. “They’ve been trying to get Washington to catch up to them.”

Anthony Foxx, who was Obama’s transportation secretary from 2013 to 2017, said a big challenge will be the massive operational details in the department, where Buttigieg is supported by veteran hands. Many programs are new, requiring clear guidelines to states and localities on what they are eligible for and how the money is to be awarded. “They will be managing multiple plans with very high dollar figures, creating pressure on administrative staff,” Foxx said.

On Friday, Biden said he would name a person outside the administration to be a watchdog on the disbursement of the money.

Once many programs are in place, after six to nine months, Foxx said, “that’s when the magic happens on what to fund and what may not cut the mustard.” The winners would come in the form of hundreds of grant announcements for medium-sized road projects that could accelerate into spring 2023 with the first awards for multibillion dollar bridges, intercity rail and New York’s Gateway tunnel.

As a mayor, Buttigieg was attuned to calls to fix roads and potholes. He relished talking about state-of-the-art sewer system. Now that message will be national with the stakes far greater.

“The currency of politics is exposure, and he’s getting a lot of exposure,” said Larry Grisalano, who was Buttigieg’s advertising consultant.

At the White House, staff warmly refer to him as “Secretary Mayor Pete,” and Biden has compared Buttigieg to his late son Beau. The White House celebrated Chasten’s birthday with cupcakes. “You’re the best, man,” Biden said after Buttigieg spoke at the White House over the summer.

Yet in a city laden with ambition, Buttigieg’s potential to move farther onto the national stage can make him a target.

Nina Smith, Buttigieg’s former traveling campaign press secretary, said as Biden’s top lieutenant on the bill, Buttigieg has the opportunity to lead an effort to “eradicate past injustices.” Buttigieg during the 2020 campaign was never able to win over large shares of Black voters.

“That’s an added responsibility that I think he’s very much aware of and making a central part of the work,” said Smith, a Democratic political consultant.
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/11/14/why-do-democrats-let-republicans-set-terms-debate/Screen Shot 2021-11-14 at 8.10.43 PM.png
Who knew that infrastructure was a wedge issue?

Ever since the House passed the bipartisan bill to do lots of building and rebuilding around the country, Republicans have been at each other’s throats.

Some Republicans said it was great to vote for roads, bridges and broadband. But most in the party — encouraged by Mr. Infrastructure Week himself, Donald Trump — said that voting for roads, bridges and broadband made you a traitor for helping President Biden, and maybe even a socialist.

There are two lessons here.

First, those who regularly pretend that polarization affects both parties equally need to reckon with a GOP so committed to obstruction that a majority of its House members and senators insist that party loyalty demands opposing new highways in their own districts or states.

The more important lesson relates to the importance of controlling the terms of the political debate.

Ever since this month’s elections in Virginia and New Jersey signaled real trouble for their party, Democrats have been tearing themselves apart over the controversies Republicans want them to talk about. Note to Democrats: This is the reason they’re called wedge issues.

You can’t turn on your phone or computer without running across searing, inner-directed polemics about how one kind of Democrat is pursuing approaches destined to doom all Democrats on issues such as critical race theory and questions around education more generally.

As someone who writes about such questions for a living, I have no reason to discourage their exploration or pretend they don’t matter. The problem for Biden and his party is that the centrality of these topics is a mark of political failure. Taking your opponent’s bait and playing on your opposition’s turf is the surest path to defeat. To succeed in politics, you need to make your opponent respond to you.

This is what Democrats did by moving the infrastructure bill to Biden’s desk. The GOP’s internal bloodletting quickly followed. Approving Biden’s Build Back Better initiatives could have the same effect.

Wouldn’t it be useful — for the country, not just Democrats — to discuss the benefits of a federal program to contain the costs of child care to 7 percent of a family’s income? Shouldn’t we welcome similar attention to reducing the cost of prescription drugs, expanding access to health insurance or extending a child tax credit that offers substantial benefits to families raising the next generation?

With their sweeping attacks on Biden’s plan as “socialism,” conservatives make plain that they would prefer to avoid debating such specifics. They would rather hide behind a scare word because they know that among rank-and-file conservative voters, many a mom and dad could use the help Biden’s proposals would deliver.

But such families won’t even know what’s on offer if supporters of Build Back Better don’t (1) get it through both houses; and (2) put the same energy into explaining and defending it that conservatives have invested in making “critical race theory” three of the most popular words in political commentary.

The same logic applies to the battle for democracy itself. Democratic politicians should be ashamed that while Trump has turned his “Stop the Steal” lies into a mobilizing battle cry for Republican base voters, Democrats have been unable to do the same with their defense of the right to vote. Turnout in GOP areas in Virginia and New Jersey was off the charts. Democrats couldn’t match it.

Why is this?

One reason is that Republican senators have used the filibuster to stymie the Freedom to Vote Act and the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act. In the face of such gridlock, Democratic loyalists are justified in asking their party’s leaders: Where are you when it comes to defending fair elections — and our rights?

Making these bills law is thus both the right thing to do and a political imperative. The good news is that middle-of-the-road senators are working on changes in the filibuster rules that they hope Sen. Joe Manchin III (D-W.Va.) can support. The bad news is that the longer action is delayed, the more dispirited supporters of voting rights are certain to become, and the more damage Trump’s deceptive narrative will do.

No doubt, the media typically gravitates toward eye-catching cultural issues that don’t involve the detailed explanations that, say, a tax credit or a health-care expansion require. And Democrats’ narrow majorities, coupled with the Senate’s arcane rules, make passing anything — not just voting rights — excruciatingly difficult.

But alibis and excuses don’t win arguments (or elections), and if the bad news for Democrats in The Post-ABC News poll published Sunday doesn’t get their attention, I don’t know what will.

The party, starting with the president when he signs the infrastructure bill on Monday, can use the power it has now to change the nation’s political conversation. Or it can resign itself to defeat at the hands of a GOP in which a majority is not even willing to fix the damned roads.
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
https://apnews.com/article/joe-biden-technology-business-broadband-internet-ad2c86ce1bc6e85322f2629d7a72732eScreen Shot 2021-11-15 at 6.13.09 PM.png
WASHINGTON (AP) — The $1 trillion infrastructure plan that President Joe Biden plans to sign into law has money for roads, bridges, ports, rail transit, safe water, the power grid, broadband internet and more.

The plan promises to reach almost every corner of the country. It’s a historic investment that the president has compared to the building of the transcontinental railroad and Interstate Highway System. The White House is projecting that the investments will add, on average, about 2 million jobs per year over the coming decade.

The bill cleared the House on a 228-206 vote Nov. 5, ending weeks of intraparty negotiations in which liberal Democrats insisted the legislation be tied to a larger social spending bill — an effort to press more moderate Democrats to support both.

The Senate passed the legislation on a 69-30 vote in August after rare bipartisan negotiations, and the House kept that compromise intact. Thirteen House Republicans voted for the bill, giving Democrats more than enough votes to overcome a handful of defections from progressives.

A breakdown of the bill expected to become law Monday:

ROADS AND BRIDGES

The bill would provide $110 billion to repair the nation’s aging highways, bridges and roads. According to the White House, 173,000 total miles or nearly 280,000 kilometers of America’s highways and major roads and 45,000 bridges are in poor condition. The almost $40 billion for bridges is the single largest dedicated bridge investment since the construction of the national highway system, according to the Biden administration.

PUBLIC TRANSIT

The $39 billion for public transit in the legislation would expand transportation systems, improve accessibility for people with disabilities and provide dollars to state and local governments to buy zero-emission and low-emission buses. The Transportation Department estimates that the current repair backlog is more than 24,000 buses, 5,000 rail cars, 200 stations and thousands of miles of track and power systems.

PASSENGER AND FREIGHT RAIL

To reduce Amtrak’s maintenance backlog, which has worsened since Superstorm Sandy nine years ago, the bill would provide $66 billion to improve the rail service’s Northeast Corridor (457 miles, 735 km), as well as other routes. It’s less than the $80 billion originally sought by Biden — who famously rode Amtrak from Delaware to Washington during his time in the Senate — but it would be the largest federal investment in passenger rail service since Amtrak was founded 50 years ago.

ELECTRIC VEHICLES

The bill would spend $7.5 billion for electric vehicle charging stations, which the administration says are critical to accelerating the use of electric vehicles to curb climate change. It would also provide $5 billion for the purchase of electric school buses and hybrids, reducing reliance on school buses that run on diesel fuel.

INTERNET ACCESS

The legislation’s $65 billion for broadband access would aim to improve internet services for rural areas, low-income families and tribal communities. Most of the money would be made available through grants to states.

MODERNIZING THE ELECTRIC GRID

To protect against the power outages that have become more frequent in recent years, the bill would spend $65 billion to improve the reliability and resiliency of the power grid. It would also boost carbon capture technologies and more environmentally friendly electricity sources like clean hydrogen.

AIRPORTS

The bill would spend $25 billion to improve runways, gates and taxiways at airports and to improve terminals. It would also improve aging air traffic control towers.

WATER AND WASTEWATER

The legislation would spend $55 billion on water and wastewater infrastructure. It has $15 billion to replace lead pipes and $10 billion to address water contamination from polyfluoroalkyl substances — chemicals that were used in the production of Teflon and have also been used in firefighting foam, water-repellent clothing and many other items.

PAYING FOR IT

The five-year spending package would be paid for by tapping $210 billion in unspent COVID-19 relief aid and $53 billion in unemployment insurance aid some states have halted, along with an array of smaller pots of money, like petroleum reserve sales and spectrum auctions for 5G services.
 

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Donald Trump on Wednesday urged Republicans to use the debt ceiling to hold the country hostage in an attempt to block President Joe Biden's "Build Back Better" agenda.

Trump failed to get Republicans to block the Bipartisan Infrastructure Framework, which was half of Biden's infrastructure package. As the reconciliation bill — the second half of Biden's infrastructure agenda — nears a vote, Trump emailed a statement urging Republicans to keep Biden from securing a victory.

"When the Broken Old Crow, Mitch McConnell, agreed to a two-month extension, he allowed the Democrats to get their act together and pass the $1.2 Trillion 'Non-Infrastructure' Green New Deal Bill," Trump said while complaining about the bill.

"This was all allowed by Mitch McConnell's incompetence and now I understand that a couple Republican Senators may get on board so that they can have yet another and even bigger victory, for the Democrats, while at the same time ensuring massive Inflation and the destruction of our Country as we know it," Trump complained. "This is what happens when you allow a guy who lost an Election to take over the Office of the President. He obviously had no mandate, but they're changing our Country and everything it stands for."

WATCH: Nicolle Wallace rattles off all the times Trump swore he would pass 'VERY BIG & BOLD' infrastructure

"Mitch McConnell couldn't stop the first Bill so 19 Senators, including himself, joined in. That's what he does—if you can't beat them, join them. If he wasn't so stupid and didn't give the two-month extension, he could have stopped it all," Trump said. "Now he and his RINO friends will allow a much bigger and far worse Bill to pass, ruining our Country while giving the Democrats a great political lift, all at the same time."

Trump put all the blame at McConnell's feet.

"This is the Broken Old Crow's fault. He could have won it all using the Debt Ceiling—they were ready to fold. Now the Democrats have a big victory and the wind at their back. McConnell is a fool and he damn well better stop their 'Dream of Communism Bill' and keep his Senators in line, or he should resign now, something he should have done a long time ago. Use the Debt Ceiling like it should have been used, you Old Broken Crow, to do so would hurt our Country far less than this horrible Bill. Any Republican in the House or Senate who votes for this Bill will never ever get a Trump Endorsement," Trump threatened.

In October, Trump also urged Republicans to use the debt ceiling as leverage.

READ MORE: Trump bitterly attacks 'Old Crow' Mitch McConnell for passing Biden's infrastructure bill

"Republican Senators, do not vote for this terrible deal being pushed by folding Mitch McConnell. Stand strong for our Country. The American people are with you!" Trump urged before the vote.

But McConnell and ten other Senate Republicans joined with Democrats to pass a debt ceiling extension.

Trump also had a similar message in August.

"Joe Biden's infrastructure bill is a disgrace. If Mitch McConnell was smart, which we've seen no evidence of, he would use the debt ceiling card to negotiate a good infrastructure package," Trump wrote. "Joe Biden's infrastructure bill will be used against the Republican Party in the upcoming elections in 2022 and 2024. It will be very hard for me to endorse anyone foolish enough to vote in favor of this deal."

That vote was even more lopsided, with 18 Republicans joining McConnell to pass the bill.

READ MORE: Pro-infrastructure Republicans are facing a barrage of abuse from furious Trump supporters
 
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