Mendacity and the New York Times

medicineman

New Member
My question to you, Med, had to do with the good things president Bush has done. And in this regard, I agree with Wavels. Bush's federal judgeship appointments are one of the FEW things I like about what Bush has done.

Vi
And of course you do, He has appointed judges skewed towards corporations and the wealthy, while removing the "peoples" rights, Hello, remember "of the people by the people for the people" Yeah right! Burning at the stake would be too good for this Administration, Hell I'll chop down the firewood!
 

Resinman

Well-Known Member
1. Changed the tone in the White House, restoring HONOR and DIGNITY to the presidency.

Vi Redd,,,, Georges weak dollar policies,,,,,hmmmm

He has lost us nearly 30 percent of our dollars spending power

This alone wipes out anything he has done,,,,weak dollar,,,,inflationary policies,,,ate away any tax cuts,,,,my taxes are more now than they were in 1999,,,


resinman
 

medicineman

New Member
1. Changed the tone in the White House, restoring HONOR and DIGNITY to the presidency.

Vi Redd,,,, Georges weak dollar policies,,,,,hmmmm

He has lost us nearly 30 percent of our dollars spending power

This alone wipes out anything he has done,,,,weak dollar,,,,inflationary policies,,,ate away any tax cuts,,,,my taxes are more now than they were in 1999,,,


resinman
Yeah, I just don't know how any supposedly bright individual could think G.W. has done any good for this country, He certainly has helped the corporations and the wealthy, but in general, he has fucked more people in his 1-1/2 terms than any president I've ever seen, and still has 2 more years, I can hardly wait to see what's next
 

ViRedd

New Member
Med sez ...

"And of course you do, He has appointed judges skewed towards corporations and the wealthy, while removing the "peoples" rights..."

Once again Med ... try to be specific. Please list the ways in which the Bush appointees to the USSC have skewed judgments toward corporations, and please list the people's rights they have removed. Thanks.

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Vi
 

medicineman

New Member
Med sez ...

"And of course you do, He has appointed judges skewed towards corporations and the wealthy, while removing the "peoples" rights..."

Once again Med ... try to be specific. Please list the ways in which the Bush appointees to the USSC have skewed judgments toward corporations, and please list the people's rights they have removed. Thanks.

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2.Again, I don't like lists and after all, it's just my opinion, it's not life or death here, If you can't see the bias towards the corporations that the Bush administration has exercised, no amount of my postings will influence you!

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Vi
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ViRedd

New Member
"Again, I don't like lists and after all, it's just my opinion, it's not life or death here, If you can't see the bias towards the corporations that the Bush administration has exercised, no amount of my postings will influence you!"

But that really wasn't the question, now was it Med? The question was:

"Please list the ways in which the Bush appointees to the USSC have skewed judgments toward corporations, and please list the people's rights they have removed."

You made the charge ... now prove your point. Either prove your statements, or admit that they are just made up from the vapor of ether.

Vi

 

ViRedd

New Member
Uhhh ... maybe we should explain what ether is to the younger members here. Watcha think Med? :bongsmilie:

Vi
 

ViRedd

New Member
And now, back to the question at hand:

"Please list the ways in which the Bush appointees to the USSC have skewed judgments toward corporations, and please list the people's rights they have removed."

Vi
 

ViRedd

New Member
So, is that an admission that there really are no skewed judgments toward corporations, or removal of the people's rights by the USSC as you have claimed?

Vi
 

medicineman

New Member
So, is that an admission that there really are no skewed judgments toward corporations, or removal of the people's rights by the USSC as you have claimed?

Vi
Nope, just an attempt to keep my sanity. If I played your game all the time, then I would be under your control, sometimes no just means no! I could do the google dance, but choose not to at this time.
 

ViRedd

New Member
*lol* ... Med ... if you say the Supreme Court is skewing their judgments toward corporations and removing the people's rights, you should be able to back up those comments. Credibility, my man ... credibility.

Vi
 

medicineman

New Member
I'm just teasing you with this, but stay tuned:
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Was the Fix In?
New White House Counsel Accused of Favoritism for Cheney's Halliburton
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[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]by Nathan Newman[/FONT]​
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]This Sunday, December 17th, Bush nominated Alberto Gonzales, a man Bush put on the Texas Supreme Court in 1999, to be the new White House Counsel. Yet Justice Gonzales has been a focus of ethical controversy in Texas, with the organization Texans for Public Justice noting that Gonzales like other Texas Supreme Court Justices have taken large amounts of money from the Cheney-run Halliburton companies, then ruled in favor of the company in cases that came before the Court.
Cheney's Halliburton corporation, through its executives and its separate subsidiaries, was the second-largest corporate contributor to Texas Supreme Court races in the last three election cycles, contributing over $79,000 to the Justices. Five times in the past seven years, cases involving Halliburton have come before the Texas Supreme Court, and each time the Court has either ruled for the company or refused to hear an appeal of a favorable verdict for the firm from a lower court.
In 1999, a Halliburton employee had won a $2.6 million trial verdict due to allegations that a company supervisor framed him to test positive for cocaine, only to see the verdict overturned by a Texas Court of Appeals. Just before the Texas Supreme Court ruled on the case, Halliburton gave a number of contributions to the Justices, including $3000 to Alberto Gonzales. None of the Justices recused themselves from the case and the Court refused to hear the appeal against Halliburton.
Making the Gonzales conflict even more controversial is the fact that before being appointed to office, Gonzales had been a partner at the law firm Vinson & Elkins, L.L.P. in Houston which had Halliburton as a major client. And Gonzales worked in the section where Halliburton was represented where he had a strong relationship with the firm.
With bitter feelings among many voters that Bush used a conservative US Supreme Court to engineer his election as President, it is shocking that he would appoint as White House Counsel a man embroiled in controversy for taking contributions from Bush's Vice President's firm and favoring that company in judicial decisions.
Bush has a history of using the courts to favor his corporate supporters and the appointment of Gonzales shows that he has no attention of abandoning that tradition he established in Texas. As his first legal-related appointment as President-Elect, it shows that Bush has the intention of continuing his use of the courts to undemocratically engineer victories for himself and his corporate supporters.
Following are excerpts from The Fort Worth Star-Telegram of July 29, 2000 with more details:
"When a personnel dispute between Dallas-based Halliburton Co. and a fired employee reached the Texas Supreme Court last summer, something else landed in Austin as well: $5,000 in campaign contributions to three justices.
During the four months that the case was before the nine-member high court, a Halliburton subsidiary and a top executive made four donations, records show. They were the company's only donations to the court in 1999, according to an analysis by a judicial reform group.
In December, the court decided not to hear the case, letting stand a lower court ruling that erased a $2.6 million verdict against Halliburton..
The Cheney/Halliburton campaign-money trail paints part of the political picture. The Star-Telegram analyzed campaign records in databases managed by the Montana-based National Institute on Money in State Politics, the Texas Ethics Commission and the Texans for Public Justice, an Austin-based nonpartisan group that advocates for judicial reform.
Halliburton's pet cause has been the all-Republican Texas Supreme Court. The firm and its executives have made 55 contributions, totaling $44,000, since 1993, according to records of Texans for Public Justice.
Brown & Root and Dresser Industries, two of Halliburton's largest Texas-based divisions, added another $35,600 in Supreme Court donations. Combined contributions from the three company branches would rank Halliburton second among all corporate donors to the Texas Supreme Court races during the past three election cycles.
During the past seven years, Halliburton has had at least five cases before the court. Each time, the court either declined to hear a case or ruled in the company's favor, according to Texans for Public Justice researchers who track campaign spending.
"They've methodically flooded the Supreme Court with money at the same time they've had cases pending before the court," said Cris Feldman, staff attorney for the organization.
Barry Brin represented Carlos Sanchez, a Halliburton field worker in Laredo who won a $2.6 million jury verdict upholding his allegation that a company supervisor framed him to test positive for cocaine.
The verdict was overturned by the Fourth Court of Appeals in San Antonio, and Sanchez appealed to the Supreme Court.
The case reached the high court on July 26, 1999, and was disposed of Dec. 2. During that period, Halliburton executives made four contributions - $1,000 to Justice Priscilla Owen; two totaling $3,000 to Justice Alberto Gonzales; and $1,000 to Justice Nathan Hecht. "I think, in general, it's just hard for anybody in that position to totally take out of their minds the money of the people supporting their campaigns," Brin said. Nathan Newman is with the Yale Law Campaign for a Legal Election.
nathan@newman.org

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medicineman

New Member
Bush Nominates Right-Wing Extremist to D.C. Circuit Court
On July 25, Bush nominated Justice Janice Rogers Brown to the D.C. Circuit Court, which handles many high-profile federal cases and is considered a steppingstone to the U.S. Supreme Court. Brown is seen as the most conservative justice on California's Supreme Court. In a joint report, People for the American Way (PFAW) and the NAACP reveal that Brown has a record of ideological extremism and judicial activism that makes her unfit to serve on the appeals court. Hilary Shelton, director of the NAACP's Washington Bureau, expressed deep concern regarding Brown's "hostility to fundamental civil and constitutional rights principles." PFAW President Ralph G. Neas says Brown "embodies Clarence Thomas' ideological extremism and Antonin Scalia's abrasiveness and right-wing activism." Adding to these concerns, abortion-rights groups have pointed to Justice Brown's dissent in a California case in which she harshly criticized the other justices for overturning a law requiring parental consent for minors seeking abortions.
Source: People for the American Way, "Far Right Dream Judge Janice Rogers Brown joins Lineup of Extremist Appeals Court Nominees," Aug 28, 2003.
Governor With Questionable Environmental Record to Head E.P.A.
 

medicineman

New Member
What The New Court Will Look Like
Bush's model is Antonin Scalia. But nominees who share the justice's strict "textualist" approach could set off a firestorm of opposition

[FONT=arial,helvetica,univers]With barely a pause for breath after his hard-fought Election Day victory, President George W. Bush is gearing up for his next big campaign: The fight for the future of the Supreme Court. In his second term, Bush could have the chance to replace as many as four of the nine justices on the nation's highest bench, including the ailing Chief Justice, William H. Rehnquist. No President since Richard M. Nixon has appointed four justices, and, like his, Bush's choices will shape the law and life of the national laws!


Court appointments didn't get much attention in the campaign. Yet Rehnquist's late-October announcement that he is undergoing treatment for thyroid cancer has thrust the issue to the fore of the Administration's agenda. Bush's appointments are certain to move the court firmly to the right. The President has vowed that his nominee will be "somebody who knows the difference between personal opinion and the strict interpretation of the law." In other words, someone a lot like Justice Antonin Scalia -- the nation's leading champion of a conservative legal philosophy that is gaining adherents on the federal bench.

Bush has said that Scalia and his ideological soul mate, Justice Clarence Thomas, are his favorites on the court. That is fueling speculation that one of them will be tapped to become Chief Justice when Rehnquist, who has been absent from arguments so far this term, retires. Yet several other names could make the President's short list. Jurists J. Michael Luttig and J. Harvie Wilkinson III, both of the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals in Richmond, Va., are among the candidates Bush is rumored to like; Judge Samuel A. Alito Jr. of the Third Circuit Court in Newark, N.J., is running closely behind. All share an adherence, in some fashion, to Scalia's approach to jurisprudence. Indeed, Alito so closely emulates Scalia that he has earned the nickname "Scalito" among liberals.

Count on especially fierce opposition if Scalia is elevated to Chief Justice -- or if a Scalia disciple such as Alito is nominated to fill a vacancy. "Scalia is the far-right anchor of the court," says Nan Aron, president of the liberal umbrella group Alliance for Justice. "He is a leader in urging resumption of states' rights, the death penalty, and a ban on gay marriage." While other jurists, including Thomas, are just as conservative, Scalia combines intellectual firepower with persuasive charm. Just as important, the 68-year-old justice hews to a philosophical framework -- known as textualism -- that gives great weight to the written words of the Constitution and legislation. The doctrine's impact: It curbs the power of the judicial branch to create new rights or extend old ones in light of changing social circumstances. For many Democrats, that makes Scalia the embodiment of a dangerously conservative judicial movement that seeks to limit affirmative action, weaken environmental regulations, and curb civil liberties.

That's why both sides are girding for a huge fight. If Bush decides to elevate Scalia or Thomas to Chief Justice as well as name a new justice, he would trigger two confirmation battles in the closely divided Senate. Liberals say they fear having to fight two appointments at once, and conservatives fret that the fallout from such a pitched battle will damage Bush's chances on later appointments. Both sides may urge the President to minimize the firestorm by giving the gavel to an outsider.

"NUCLEAR OPTION"
With a 55-44-1 majority in the Senate, Republicans may try to defang Democrats' opposition to high court nominees. Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-Tenn.) is considering a move to change Senate rules to bar a 40-senator minority from filibustering judicial appointments. If Frist follows through, Democrats vow to bring the chamber to a standstill, blocking even routine business. It's little wonder that Hill aides refer to the possible rule change as the "nuclear option."

Yet the focal point of the seething debate between Right and Left remains Scalia himself. A powerful writer and earthy wit who counts many liberal lawyers among his close friends, Scalia also is ego-driven, divisive, contemptuous of Washington's fixation on conflicts of interest, and prone to controversy. His poison pen -- dripping with unconcealed disdain for jurists who lack his intellectual consistency -- has limited his ability to bring his current colleagues around to his point of view. But that won't be a problem if Bush taps the growing ranks of like-minded judges to fill vacancies.

Scalia's doctrine: Judges who interpret the Constitution should rely on the document's actual words regardless of political or cultural concerns that have arisen since the 18th century. Scalia championed the movement in response to a decades-long trend toward a more pragmatic approach to jurisprudence in which judges take current social realities into account as they consider cases. This approach -- sometimes known as legal realism -- led to such landmark decisions as the Supreme Court's 1973 Roe v. Wade ruling, which struck down state prohibitions on abortion. The court's ruling was based on a right to privacy that Scalia rejects because it isn't explicitly spelled out in the Constitution. Scalia believes such decisions should be left to the legislature while judges stick to the written law. Any Scalia disciples Bush names to the high court can be expected to protect property rights, expand the freedom of commercial and political speech, oppose affirmative action, and curb the power of Congress.

But textualism doesn't always lead to conservative results. Scalia hews strictly to his philosophy, which occasionally allies him with the high court's liberal members and against the interests of traditional conservative constituencies, including business. Scalia consistently has defended rights he believes are explicit in the Constitution, even when he finds them personally abhorrent. In 1989 he cast the deciding vote in a Supreme Court opinion that found flag-burning a form of speech protected under the First Amendment. And his reading of the Fourth Amendment's prohibition on unreasonable searches and seizures led him to break from the majority -- and ally himself with liberal Justice John Paul Stevens -- when it upheld a mandatory drug-testing program for U.S. Customs employees in 1989.

Even Presidents aren't immune from Scalia's strict reading of the Constitution. In Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, the court was asked to consider whether Bush had the power to hold a U.S. citizen seized in Afghanistan as an enemy combatant in detention at Guantanamo. Scalia again joined with Stevens to reject that Executive Branch grab for wartime power. And in State Farm Mutual Auto. Ins. Co. v. Campbell, Scalia broke with Corporate America in a dissent that found no constitutional protection against punitive damages. Scalia and jurists like him "won't be rubber-stamping the conservative or business agenda," says Kenneth W. Starr, a partner at law firm Kirkland & Ellis in Washington and former Whitewater special prosecutor during the Clinton Administration.

Liberals don't buy that, which is why the fireworks over the Supreme Court could dazzle Washington for months. Yet this is hardly the typical D.C. political drama -- because once the noise and sparks settle down, the question will remain: More than two centuries after the Constitution was first penned, just how far should the courts go in interpreting the Founding Fathers' words?
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By Lorraine Woellert in Washington
 

Wavels

Well-Known Member
Med did you know that Janice Rogers Brown is a black woman?

Hilary Shelton, director of the NAACP's Washington Bureau, expressed deep concern regarding Brown's "hostility to fundamental civil and constitutional rights principles."

Look at how preposterous that is^^^^^^ hahahahah
:joint:
 

medicineman

New Member
BTW, they have a few Black conservatives Bush appointees signal court's new direction

By Joan Biskupic
USA TODAY
Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Alito appear ready to steer bench to the right; affirmative action, abortion
issues could see big impact
WASHINGTON — They are President Bush's appointees to the Supreme Court, the products of the administration's efforts to make the court more conservative.
And although most of the major decisions in their first full term together won't be announced for months, Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito have signaled a readiness to move the court to the right.
In recent cases involving abortion, global warming and school integration, Roberts and Alito have been aggressive and sometimes feisty proponents of conservative views and particularly sympathetic to arguments by the Bush administration.
Their tactics have added flair to the court's public sessions and have contrasted sharply with the tentative approach that moderate Justices Sandra Day O'Connor and Anthony Kennedy often took in disputes over abortion, affirmative action and other key issues.
On an ideologically divided, nine-member court, the now-retired O'Connor was an especially key player because she generally was conservative but sometimes voted with the bench's four more-liberal justices: John Paul Stevens, David Souter, Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Stephen Breyer.
O'Connor voted with the liberals, for example, in favor of affirmative action in college admissions. O'Connor and Kennedy joined the liberals in backing abortion rights.
Now, Alito has replaced O'Connor, and he has joined the new chief justice — who replaced another conservative, the late William Rehnquist — in beginning to alter the court's course.
During last month's dispute over the Bush administration's decision against regulating carbon dioxide emissions and other so-called greenhouse gases, Roberts and Alito were skeptical about whether the USA is a significant contributor to global warming.
Roberts, echoing a sentiment expressed by an administration lawyer, suggested that federal regulation of emissions from cars and trucks might produce only a "marginal benefit" to the environment. Massachusetts and several other states argued that continued inaction by the U.S. government on car and truck emissions could lead to greater harm to the environment around the world.
Also last month, Roberts suggested by his questions that he was leaning toward voting to uphold a congressional ban on a midterm abortion procedure that critics call "partial birth."
While Kennedy expressed concern about how such a ban would affect women's health, Roberts — again reflecting a position taken by the Bush administration — challenged abortion rights lawyers who argued that the procedure known medically as "dilation and extraction" was safer than other methods of abortion. (Alito asked no questions during that session.)
And during a dispute this month over school integration programs that allow districts to consider a student's race in making school assignments, Roberts compared such diversity programs in Louisville and Seattle to school segregation policies struck down by the high court a half-century ago in Brown v. Board of Education.
Alito, suggesting that he would support arguments brought by parents of white students who were denied their choice of schools, also bristled at the notion of using race as a factor in efforts to diversify school systems.
He indicated that even if the intent of such programs is admirable, the programs' treatment of students is reminiscent of the "separate but equal" doctrine that the court rejected in Brown.
Legal and political conservatives have been pleased with the new justices' approach.
At the annual meeting of the conservative Federalist Society last month, outgoing Senate Majority Whip Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., praised Roberts' and Alito's confirmation to the high court as "signature achievements" of the Congress that Republicans controlled for more than a decade.
After oral arguments in the school integration cases on Dec. 4, Ward Connerly, a former University of California regent who has fought race-based policies nationwide, said he was heartened by comments from Roberts and Alito and believes the court is headed toward rejecting the Seattle and Louisville programs.
"When people go through the Senate (confirmation) process" for judicial nominees, "you think that you might be getting some insight into their intelligence and demeanor," Connerly said last week. "But you never really know because the hearing process is fraught with theater."
Connerly said he interpreted the session on school integration as a sign that the court was on the verge of a new era — one in which the court would not support programs that consider race to promote diversity.
"It's something whose time has come," Connerly said.
For those who are fighting policies set forth by the Bush administration, the early courtroom performances by Roberts and Alito have been disheartening.
After the arguments in the school integration cases, Theodore Shaw of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund said he walked out of the Supreme Court feeling lower than he has in years.
"If the ruling is in keeping with the way the argument went, it would be a tragedy," Shaw said, adding that school districts across the nation could have their hands tied in trying to promote racial diversity.
Roberts, 51, and Alito, 56, shared the bench for five months during the 2005-06 term, which ended in June. The term didn't reveal much about how the court might change under Roberts' leadership.
This term is likely to provide some guidance on the issue. The school integration cases heard this month had the feel of a potentially distinctive turning point for the court in dealing with government programs that have been created as remedies to past discrimination.
After Roberts declared that the constitutional guarantee of equality is intended "to ensure that people are treated as individuals rather than based on the color of their skin," Breyer countered that past rulings by the court had allowed race to be used as a factor in programs to address the lasting effects of segregation.
The liberal justice said "thousands of school districts" could have to change their enrollment policies if the court sets a new path by rejecting such initiatives.
Upcoming cases are likely to further define the conservatism of Roberts and Alito, both of whom were lawyers in the Reagan administration who went on to become U.S. appeals court judges. One dispute revolves around whether taxpayers can challenge Bush administration initiatives that encourage faith-based charities to compete for federal grants for social programs.
Beyond the court, Roberts and Alito have been revealing more of themselves as well.
In a speech before the Federalist Society in November, Alito saluted President Reagan's efforts to curtail judicial involvement in solving societal problems and exhibited self-deprecating humor as he recalled his contentious confirmation hearings before the Senate last January.
Alito noted that the Senate Hart Office Building, where his hearings were held, is near the Supreme Court and that he often walks by it. But now, Alito quipped, "I cross to the other side of the street. I quicken my step until I'm well past the building."
Alito was confirmed to the Supreme Court in a 58-42 Senate vote that reflected Democrats' anxiety over whether replacing O'Connor with Alito would lead the court to take a harsher view of abortion rights, affirmative action and other Democratic priorities.
Roberts, who has been on the court since fall 2005, has used speeches at colleges to show the humor that has served him well as a litigator and as a judge.
In court, Roberts' humor has a distinctive bite. During arguments in a recent patent case, he derided a lower-court rule for assessing when an invention should not be patented because it would have been "obvious" at the time of development.
"Who do you get to be an expert to tell you something's not obvious?" he asked. "I mean, the least insightful person you can find?"
As usually happens when the chief justice makes a joke, the spectators laughed.
 

krime13

Well-Known Member
Let me take only point out of all of theses
Education & Employment Training
1. Signed the No Child Left Behind Act, delivering the most dramatic education reforms in a generation (challenging the soft bigotry of low expectations). The very liberal California Teachers union is currently running radio ads against the accountability provisions of this Act.


Teachers have been harder pressed to pass children through. This "act" has further weakend our public education put pressure of classroom grades on the teachers and taken it away from the student's. Student's feel less responsible for their work in and out of class because all they have to do is start crying that they need special help or find away to blame the school.

2. Announced "Jobs for the 21st Century," a comprehensive plan to better prepare workers for jobs in the new millennium by strengthening post-secondary education and job training, and by improving high school education.

Training is still weak and much of it is on hands. Teaching has a huge learning curve. THe dynamics between administration and thier politics and building relationships with students and how to make those relationships grow so the child succeeds in life are far from uniting therefore the public education fails again. Politics and true student teacher relationship can ot combine.

3. Is working to provide vouchers to low-income students in persistently failing schools to help with costs of attending private schools. (Blocked in the Senate.)

Why should there be a discrepency between private and public education
These should be equivilant.



4. Requires annual reading and math tests in grades three through eight.

I remeber going to school and having an assesment test done during these age group, no real change there, no proof of wether these tests make students perform better or not.

5. Requires states to participate in the National Assessment of Education Progress, or an equivalent program, to establish a national benchmark for academic performance.




6. Requires school-by-school accountability report cards.

Again, does the child have any acountability or who should blame for bad report cards. Yes the teacher should be doing his/her job but if you go to the schools the kids are becoming less and less accountible.

Krime's wife
 
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